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This is mostly so you can make immediate sense of it. What you clearly see is the enormous genetic distance between Central European hunter-gatherers and LBK, who were present in Germany right before the arrival of farmers. This comes very close to a falsification of the maximalist pots-not-people model, whereby farming spread from its point of origin in Anatolia and the Levant through a process of cultural diffusion, just like the alphabet or the potato.
There are interesting inferences one can make about the nature of gene flow over the past 10, years in Eurasia when viewing the relatively small distance between the two modern populations, but really the important point for the purposes of this paper is the high wall between the two cultures who practice differing modes of production. In the paper the authors support, tentatively, a classic demic diffusion process.
Rather, what we see here seems to be a total transfer for a population across large distances. The authors themselves note that the LBK farmers seem to have followed the interior lines of rivers and flat-bottom plains. Farmers had discovered a new way to exploit nature, but in the end they were still ecologically constrained. The northern two-thirds of Scandinavia still had hunter-gatherer populations down to the period of the classical Greeks.
Without knowing anything further I suspect that the death of the southern Sami culture in the face of Norwegian and Swedish expansion in the early modern period was probably driven by the emergence of more systematic agricultural science, which could push the ecological limits beyond the long-standing equilibrium established in the Iron Age. It is clearly a story of culture. We assume that culture is easily transferable from society to society.
In some ways it is. The original phonetic script of Upper Mesopotamia and Syria seems to have quickly triggered imitation and appropriation from India to Italy within a few centuries of its widespread use by the Aramaeans.
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Nearly features, including postholes associated with houses, pits and pit complexes, and c. The traces of Lengyel settlement and burials were found over the entire excavated area, with an estimated extent of some 80 ha. The burials uncovered mostly form part of groups of graves, actually being small cemeteries within the various parts of the settlement. Apart from the grave groups, several solitary or scattered graves were also found. The discovery of surface-level, timber-framed houses at a single site is also unique for the area and the Lengyel period as a whole.
The scheme of internal layout within houses dating to the Flomborn or later phases was devised for the western LBK (Modderman , ), and subsequently adapted for earliest LBK houses in central Europe (Stäuble ; Lüning ).
Their houses were small, with one or two rooms, built of wood or mudbrick in the early period. Construction technique later became more homogeneous and all were homes are built of adobe with stone foundations. The first houses with two levels were found and there is also a clear intentional urbanism. The lower levels of proto-Sesklo lack pottery, but the Sesklo people soon developed very fine-glazed earthenware that they decorated with geometric paintings in red or brown colors.
New types of pottery are incorporated in the Sesklo period. The “invasion theory” states that the Sesklo culture lasted more than one full millennium up until c. The Dimini culture in this theory is considered different from that found at Sesklo. However, Professor Ioannis Lyritzis provides a different story pertaining to the final fate of the “Seskloans.
Organic residues of milk and other products in LBK pottery Researchers: Background to our research Over the past 20 years our research group have pioneered a range of new techniques for the analysis of organic residues preserved in archaeological pottery with the aim of addressing major research questions in archaeology.
The success of all the techniques rests on the remarkable capacity of the porous fabric of unglazed pottery to absorb and preserve lipid residues of the animal and plant products processed therein. Such residues have been shown to survive in the earliest Neolithic pottery dating to the 7th millennium BC from the Near East.
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While their identities will never be known, one thing is certain: These nine individuals were interlopers — possibly failed raiders or POWs — who met violent ends, a new study finds. These people aren’t the only early Neolithic victims whose lives ended in violence. But several factors set this newfound burial — found during a construction project in Halberstadt, Germany, in — apart from other mass graves dating to the same period, the researchers said.
For starters, these victims weren’t local, but “outsiders with currently unknown origins,” said study lead researcher Christian Meyer, an archeologist who researched the burial while working at the State Office for Heritage Management and Archaeology of Saxony-Anhalt, in Germany. The analysis revealed that the victims in the mass grave had different isotopes in their remains compared with other people buried in the settlement, the researchers said. The bodies in the mass grave were not arranged, but rather jumbled together.
Notice the broken limb bones, including the right humerus yellow and right femur red. Moreover, these young adults’ injuries clustered at the back of the head, meaning the victims were likely hit with “blunt force” from behind, Meyer said. The settlement also contained traces of six LBK longhouses and regular burials, most of which hold just one person and LBK artifacts.
Based on the evidence, it appears that “a group of non-local younger men [were] killed in a controlled manner” like executed prisoners, Meyer said. At least two scenarios are possible: Either the victims were captured nearby possibly as part of a failed raiding party or they were brought in from farther away as POWs, Meyer said.
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· The massacres now known from three widely separated localities but dating to a rather short period give direct evidence that outbreaks of lethal collective violence unquestionably occurred repeatedly within the later LBK (19, 24 ⇓ –26)
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Early Neolithic Water Wells Reveal the World’s Oldest Wood Architecture
Excavations at Versend-Gilencsa in south-west Hungary c. New radiocarbon dates suggest that these houses experienced short lifespans. This paper produces a model for the chronology of Versend, and it considers the implications of the new date estimates for a fuller understanding of the layout and duration of LBK longhouse settlements. Voicsek , Daniela Hofmann , and Alex Bayliss Perhaps nowhere in European prehistory does the idea of clearly-defined cultural boundaries remai
The third advance in this field of study was made in north-eastern Hungary, where similar longhouses of the early Alföld LBK, dating from the Szatmár II phase, have been uncovered at the meeting point of the Hungarian Plain and the mountain region (Domboróczki , b; Domboróczki et al. ; Domboróczki and Raczky ).
Within a period of seven to eight hundred years, these peoples had spread through most of central Europe, to the boundary of the North European Plain. They brought with them new practices not seen earlier in these areas, including agriculture and stock rearing; construction of large, permanent houses and settlements; and the production of pottery. While traditional views of the LBK culture saw these peoples as peaceful, self-sufficient migrants who largely replaced the indigenous hunting-gathering peoples of central Europe, new research has established that the expansion of the LBK involved more complex social interactions, at times including extreme violence.
This culture was identified by the German archaeologist Friedrich Klopfleisch — at the end of the nineteenth century, and many archaeologists continue to use the German name Linearbandkeramik or Linienbandkeramik or sometimes simply Bandkeramik. An older usage, introduced by V. Gordon Childe in the s as the foundation of his Danubian sequence of cultures in prehistoric central Europe, but no longer in common use, is Danubian I. Although a large body of radiocarbon dates is available from LBK sites throughout Europe, difficulties with calibration and resolution make it virtually impossible to construct a chronology relying on carbon dating alone.
The LBK period typically is divided into four chronological phases based on the evolution of ceramic decoration: